Arkiv

Breaking the Last Taboo
Thomas J. Bouchard


Academic Nazism
Steven J. Rosenthal


A Cartoon Elite
Nicholas Lemann


Acting smart
James Q. Wilson


Common knowledge
Michael Barone


Methodological fetishism
Brigitte Berger


How the Left betrayed I.Q.
Adrian Wooldridge


The Attack on The Bell Curve
Richard Lynn


IQ since The Bell Curve
Christopher Chabris


The Emergence of a Cognitive Elite
Volkmar Weiss


Cracked Bell
James J. Heckman


The Bell Curve and its Critics
Charles Murray


Curveball
Stephen Jay Gould


The Bell Curve
David Lethbridge


Deeper into the Brain
Charles Murray


The Return of Determinism? The Pseudoscience of the Bell Curve
Rajiv Rawat


Soft Science With a Neoconservative Agenda
Donald D. Dorfman


IQ and Economic Success
Charles Murray


Egalitarian Fiction and Collective Fraud
Linda S. Gottfredson


Ethnicity and IQ
Thomas Sowell


The Bell Curve
Chester Finn


IQ Fight Renewed
Anthony Flint


Foretelling The Bell Curve
Daniel Seligman


For Whom The Bell Curve Tolls
Frank Miel


When facts and orthodoxy collide
Craig Frisby


Cracking Open the IQ Box
Howard Gardner


Race, Genes and I.Q.
Herrnstein, Richard and Murray, Charles


Genius of genes
Pallab Ghosh


A Reply to Charles Murray
Heckman, James J.; Kamin, Leon J.; Lane, Charles; Lewis, Lloyd B.; Loury, Linda Datcher; Nisbett, Ri


Riding "The Bell Curve"
Ernest R. House and Carolyn Haug


How Much Can We Boost IQ and Scholastic Achievement?
Arthur R. Jensen


The Intelligence Of Nations
Philippe Rushton


Is intelligence fixed?
Nathan Glazer


IQ will put you in your place
Charles Murray


Paroxysms of denial
Arthur R. Jensen


Intelligence and the social scientist
Leon Kass


Obscuring the Message and Killing the Messenger
Pat Duffy Hutcheon


Commentary on some of the empirical and theoretical support for The Bell Curve
John Kranzler


Legacy of racism
Pat Shipman


Aim higher
Barbara Lerner


Living with inequality
Eugene D. Genovese


Meritocracy that works
Loren E. Lomasky


Dispirited
Glenn C. Loury


Mainstream Science on Intelligence



Moral intelligence
Michael Young


Murdering the Bell Curve
Ann Coulter


Going public
Richard John Neuhaus


The Ominous, New Cognitive Elite
Charles Murray


The Bell Curve
Francois Nielsen


Not hopeless
Ernest Van den Haag


Sins of the cognitive elite
Michael Novak


Robert Siegel Interviews Charles Murray



The Bell Curve: Some implications for the discipline of school psychology
Thomas Oakland


Some Recent Overlooked Research On The Bell Curve
Arthur Jensen


The Bell Curve
E.L. Pattullo


Race, I.Q., American Society and Charles Murray



Race, IQ, Success and Charles Murray



Does IQ Matter?



Interview With Robert Sternberg



Scientific American Debunks
Leon J. Kamin


The Bell Curve
Sandra Scarr


Is the Bell Curve Statistically Sound?
James Case


Is The Bell Curve the stealth public-policy book of the 1990s?
Charles Murray and Daniel Seligman


The General Intelligence Factor
Linda S. Gottfredson


For Whom The Bell Curve Tolls
Frank Miele


A Conversation with Charles Murray



Trashing 'The Bell Curve'
David Seligman


Freedom, Welfare and Dystopia
Charles Murray


Moral intelligence

National Review, Dec 5, 1994 v46 n23 p53(2)
Michael Young

W

hen I coined the word "meritocracy" and its imagined credo, IQ + Effort = Merit, I could never have anticipated that the actual rise of a "cognitive elite" in America and its contrary in the underclass would be chronicled with such meticulous scholarship forty years later. I was talking mostly of what might be; Herrnstein and Murray are talking of what has been, and is. One of the most enduring truths is that man is a verb; but what human beings can do remains astonishing and frightening.
I love America almost as much as my own country. This is perhaps partly because for three years running in the 1930s I was taken each summer by my informal foster parents (one of whom had been Eleanor Roosevelt's best friend at school) to stay in the White House. My childhood recollections are no doubt unreliable, and even more my judgments. But for what they are worth, I was impressed by Franklin Roosevelt not just as a wily politician but also as a man of moral stature, and I felt a little the same about some of his colleagues when I sat down for dinner with him and Wallace and Hull and Ickes and the other New Dealers. Whatever later revelations have done to tarnish the image of Roosevelt, I don't think that many people would consider that a comparison between him and Nixon or Reagan would be wholly unfavorable to their predecessor in the Presidency. One of the extraordinary things about moral qualities is that they are so readily recognized by those around the people who possess them. This can make goodness catching.
In 1940, Winston Churchill showed that he had learned something from Roosevelt's "fireside chats" when, as France was falling and England seemed open to imminent invasion by Hitler, he began his broadcast to the nation with the simple but inspired words, "The news from France is very bad." A prime minister who could face the truth at that moment was a man for whom people would die. John Major is not such a man.
I go so far back in the history of this century in order to make my main point about this magisterial book. The authors have much to say about the changes which have occurred since that time. In its main outlines theirs is a story of progress. Intelligence--or cognitive ability, as they prefer to call it most of the time--seems to have swept almost all before it. "The United States led the rest of the world in opening colleges to a mass of young people of ability, regardless of race, color, creed, gender, and financial resources.... Scoring above 700 is forty times more concentrated in the freshman classes at Yale and Harvard than in the national SAT population at large." After the 1950s, "The next three decades saw a great social leveling, as the executive suites filled with bright people who could maximize corporate profits, and never mind if they came from the wrong side of the tracks or worshipped at a temple instead of a church." In Washington, "the top echelons of federal officialdom, special interest groups, think tanks, and the rest of Washington's satellite institutions draw heavily from the cognitive elite.... Part 1 mostly described a success story--success for the people lucky enough to be part of the cognitive elite but also a success for the nation as a whole."
The other side, the dark side, of America is also portrayed: the steep upward curve in the rates of divorce and illegitimacy, with people of low ability most affected; the crime that is tearing a free society apart, with criminals having lower IQs; the poverty that afflicts the "very dull"; the people on welfare, these too with lower IQs. We are presented with a society savagely stratified according to cognitive ability.
The strange thing is that the authors, ardent for the truth though they be, are not prepared to recognize that nothing has failed like their kind of success, because success has been judged so narrowly, by the criteria which they hold onto like dear life. They are more broad-minded than some of their colleagues in their definition of ability. They see merit in Howard Gardner's seven distinct intelligences--linguistic, musical, spatial, etc. But neither he nor they admit even the possibility of the sort of "moral intelligence" which in my view characterized Roosevelt and Churchill.
They quote from Thomas Jefferson, who wrote about an "aristocracy of virtue and talent," without noting that virtue came before talent. They do not cloud their minds with the thought that the quality of moral leadership has deteriorated as leadership has been more and more restricted to people with a particular kind of cognitive ability. It is not enough for members of the new elite to "keep the sidewalks shoveled in the winter." The fellow feeling that David Hume regarded as the foundation for all society is not bounded by sidewalks. The elite have burrowed their way into their comfortable nests by competing successfully and sometimes ruthlessly with their peers at school, all the way up to Yale and Harvard if they are smart enough to get there. Herrnstein and Murray are fond of the word "smart." Being Harvard men, they are certainly smart themselves.
But because they do not see the worm in their thesis, the contradictions in their underlying position, they have very little to say about remedies for the lot of the underclass, or indeed of any class, except for the timehonored maxim that the Federal Government should get off people's backs. "A wide range of social functions should be restored to the neighborhood when possible and otherwise to the municipality," they write. They do not ever consider that community and family morality is generated when children and adults live together over longish periods of time. Familiarity breeds not only contempt but tradition. The social mobility that is the subject of this book, and the geographical mobility that is associated with it, are themselves threats to fellow feeling. If the authors could accept that, they would be a little further along the road toward understanding and judging the unexampled century of the uncommon man and the uncommon woman.